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孔杰荣(Jerome A. Cohen)  USC:中国研究往事

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发表于 2015-2-7 05:37:10 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
【编者的话】1963年成立于香港的“大学服务中心”(USC,University Service Centre),在冷战时期是西方中国研究者的大本营。1988年中心并入香港中文大学,更名为“中国研究服务中心”,拥有当代中国国情研究最齐全的图书馆,被称为“中国研究的麦加”。2015年1月,中心举办50周年研讨会,傅高义、马若德等多位中国研究领域的学术泰斗齐聚一堂,回忆他们与中心的交往故事。FT中文网获得授权,刊发一组来自研讨会的回忆文章,让读者得以一窥自上世纪60年代起西方学者探究“竹幕”背后的共产中国的不懈努力,以及香港在中西意识形态交锋中的独特地位。本文作者为中心首位主任、纽约大学法学院教授孔杰荣 (Jerome A. Cohen)。


我仅代表最初受益于“中国研究服务中心”(又称为USC或“中心”)屈指可数的几位学者,提交这篇关于中心创始的简短回忆录,与我们的“革命接班人”分享。很遗憾我不能亲临现场,但我相信,中心成立之时同在“创世纪”现场的我杰出的同事和友人傅高义(Ezra Vogel)能就当时的氛围、愿景与成就,以及我们早年为研究“新中国”的发展所作出的尝试,提供更多的信息。

香港殖民地落脚记

在那遥远的年代,学者们在香港访学要面对各种日常挑战。1963年夏,因为当时还没有类似中国研究服务中心的机构可以提供帮助,像我这样一个访问学者,要在香港为一家五口寻找住处,还要为中国研究找一个研究场所,都非常困难。而且,因为我所感兴趣的内地刑事司法制度在当时就已经是极度政治敏感的课题,情况就更严峻了。

当务之急是解决住房问题。我们无处求助。我当时是一名年轻的美国法学教授,希望能借这一年在香港发展我的学术网络,但当时却没有任何一家香港大学设立了法学院。我们只有靠自己。我本来听说纽约卡耐基基金会打算在机场附近的九龙地区建立一个办事机构,为像我这样的研究当代中国的访问学者提供办公场所和用于研究的图书馆,但令我失望的是,据说基金会在创办过程中遇到了一些困难,所以办事机构尚未开张。

找房期间,为了安抚我三个精力充沛的儿子,让他们也忙碌充实,我们在香港岛颇为典雅的影湾园酒店下榻,而没有住在更方便的港岛中环区或九龙。最开始,能找到合适住房的希望并不大。

但我是幸运的。我们很快就结识了一位年轻的、专门从事中国和日本研究的哈佛社会学家Ezra Vogel(傅高义),他当时刚好跟妻儿来到香港,打算做一年研究。Ezra跟我年纪相当,为人非常友善。他说他们在分割九龙与新界的界限街附近新开发的 “又一村”一带找到了公寓。我们幸运地在他们家马路对面找到了一套类似的一楼公寓。那一区环境宜人,没有高层建筑,都是些低层住宅楼,大多数小区居民都是本地人、中产阶级广东人(部分会说英文),还混居了一些外国人。

问题是,那一区离大多数外交人员、英美官员、外国记者和中外国际商人驻扎的港岛很远。我们自己没有车,公共交通也不发达,连出租车都很难招到。而且,当年还不像现在这样,有隧道和桥梁连接九龙和港岛。所以,我们只好依赖轮渡往返于九龙和港岛之间,虽然风光旖旎,但多少有些不便。

找好了住处后,我们开始寻找家政帮手。经新结交的朋友介绍,我们认识了一对上海夫妇。Xu是个能讲一些英文的好厨师,而他太太Wu(她并不会说英文)则负责清洁、照顾孩子们和打理其他家务,非常精明能干又心地善良。我们非常喜欢他俩,大多数时候也能够用普通话跟他们交流。

1964年孔杰荣夫妇与6岁的Peter、4岁的Seth和2岁的Ethan在香港新界白沙湾海滩(图片提供者Joan Lebold Cohen©)
下一个挑战就是孩子们的教育。我们已经六岁半的长子Peter在九龙一个不错的公立学校成功入学。但Seth才四岁,而Ethan仅仅两岁半,刚开始说话。把他俩送去一个当地全广东话教学的幼儿园学前班待了一天以后(我们没人会说广东话),我们意识到得找个更国际化的环境。所幸,我太太Joan Lebold Cohen听说有一位叫Mrs. Foster的英国军官太太就近在九龙一条街上的自家公寓开办了一个非正式的学校,但却没有人知道那儿的地址。后来,Joan通过观察家长们和私家出租车早上把孩子们送到哪里,从而找到了这个地方。Mrs. Foster对孩子们管得很严,但孩子们还是开开心心地在那里度过了一整个学年。

访谈难民

当我们有了稳定的住处,孩子们在学校和课后都有人照顾之后,Joan和我开始将重心转向我们自己的兴趣领域。她找到了一份教难民孩子英语的工作,这个差事虽然让人应接不暇,但也很激发人的兴趣。这些孩子住在附近一幢简陋的七层楼廉租房里。内地的“大跃进”运动失败而导致饥荒,迫使中国大陆的很多家庭像洪水一般逃亡涌入香港,这座楼是政府为安置这些难民而新建的众多廉租房之一。虽然他们的生活条件非常艰苦,但他们清楚知道,比起那些在周边山丘上的破烂棚户房里落脚,没有供水或基本厕所设施的众多其他难民,自己的境况要好得多了。

我的工作也涉及中国难民,但都是些非常特殊的人。我决定写一本关于中国刑事司法的书。来香港前,我曾在美国首府华盛顿特区任联邦检察官,后来在加州大学伯克利分校伯豪(Boalt Hall)法学院任教时,刑法就是我第一年教过的科目之一。而且,有关中国刑事司法的资料比其他的当代中国法律相关材料要更充足,所以,刑事司法似乎是我做共产主义中国法律研究最好的起点。但即便如此,当时已公开发行的出版材料对于我的研究来说还是远远不够。在1963年,新中国成立了14年之后,政府发布的法规法条仍然寥寥无几。而且法院的判决书也不会向社会公开,中国学术界对于中国当代法律的评论更是少之又少,既没有相关书籍,也没有法律期刊文章。

我在伯克利大学的同事Franz Schurmann是一位优秀的社会学家,他说服我相信,在这种情况下,如果想要真正了解中国司法制度的运作,与中国难民进行访谈必不可少。于是这便成为我决心在香港期间完成的重要任务。我决定对三类难民进行访谈。

第一类人,也是最容易找到的,便是与刑事司法制度没有任何具体接触的普通公民。他们可以帮助我了解当代中国社会民情、民众对法律的态度,和他们自己对法律制度所发挥的作用的认识,以及当一个政府不强调法律形式时,又是什么在代替正规法律制度发挥作用。

第二类访谈对象是那些作为被打击对象、经历整个刑事司法过程的人——也就是那些被政府追诉的人。我将我的目标采访对象定义为曾经被这个政权制裁过的人,不论他们受到的惩罚是否被贴上“刑事处罚”的标签。简单而言,这个群体包括那些接受“劳动教养”的人,也包括其他接受所谓 “非刑事处罚”措施的人,尽管惩罚名称五花八门,但是非常明显,都是某种形式的监禁。

第三类人最重要,但也是最难找的,广义上说,是那些参与刑事司法执法过程的人。我需要认识警察、检察官、法官和其他相关官员,以及参与刑事司法执法过程的律师。对于一个既在当地没有人脉,又不会讲当地方言(粤语)的美国学者来说,这是一项尤其艰巨的任务。与此同时,也没有中国研究服务中心帮我联系或介绍访谈对象,助我一臂之力。

但我到达香港的时机很好。我在1963年8月初到达,而就在1962年春,大概有6周的时间,中国忽然放松了禁止大陆公民偷渡逃往香港的限制措施。这样一来,大约6万多名想要逃离由于“大跃进”造成的饥荒和其它一系列灾难的大陆民众,都向广东省和香港交界处聚集,从而进入香港。英国政府虽未明确授权他们入港,却采取了默许的态度。若不是因为香港殖民地由于担忧灾民泛滥会让香港公共设施无力承载而关闭了边界,本来会有更多中国人逃离到香港。

虽然这些新来的居民大多是农村人,而且与我的研究项目无直接关联,但当我到达香港的时候,很多能言善辩且受过高等文化教育的城市居民已经开始融入当地生活,在香港崭露头角。当我广泛结交官员、学者和商界人士时候,我也逐渐开始认识一些聪明的新移民,他们会和我讲述他们在中国的生活,以及在哪些情况下法律似乎发挥了作用。他们有时候会轮流给我介绍与我的研究更加相关的人,比如那些曾经被体制视为打击对象的人。

这一类人中最有意思也最可悲的是第二类人——那些长期遭受“劳动教育”(劳教)的人,他们通常被监禁在偏远的农村地区的劳改营,这和被称为“劳改”(劳动改造)的刑事惩罚措施并无实际区别。事实上,在那个年代,这两个不同类别的群体经常被关在一起。

很多遭到“劳教”的是那些1957到1958年期间在臭名昭著的“反右”运动中被打成右派的人。通过“百花齐放,百家争鸣”的双百方针,政府诱使这些人公开发表对共产党政府的批评意见。他们向我述说了因为共产党和公安的劳教,他们的生活与职业生涯具毁的悲惨经历,而且在整个过程中政府完全无视他们言论自由的权利,也没有公正的程序让他们在面对不公正的指控时有机会自我辩护,这让我直观地感受到现实的冷酷和严峻。

刑事司法体制里的执法者更难找到。但只要找到一个,对我而言就着实像找到宝藏一样。我的第一个宝贵的线人是美国总领事馆工作人员们介绍给我的。他们的任务便是去采访难民,了解当时中国国内的状况,因为中国对美国人和美国政府依然封锁信息。尽管英国政府通过在北京的大使馆享有有限的外交信息渠道,但他们在香港也组织实施了一个重要的政府访谈项目,因为在香港跟当地居民的联络比在内地相对来讲容易多了。

无比重要的前公安干警

英国和美国官员经常共享具有特别价值的难民信息。如果我没记错的话,Eddie Chan (他的名字用广东话读作Chan Chungman)应该是第一个被英国人发现的消息提供者。事实证明,他是一个极好的信息来源。他不仅曾在五十年代初作为一名年轻的警官在广州市公安局任职,而且后来在五十年代中期成为打击对象,并被送往劳改营接受短期惩罚,这种惩罚措施自1957年起被正式命名为“劳教”。

Eddie 是在香港出生长大的,他的母亲是共产党员,而当时大陆还处于蒋介石统治之下。他的父母离异,父亲在蒋介石的军队中效力。当共产党在1949年成功“解放”中国之时,他的父亲离开了中国大陆,17岁的Eddie和母亲搬迁到广州。尽管他年纪很轻,还是还是找到了一份当警察的工作。最后,他被分派到一个调查和监管宗教组织的部门。但是他逐渐开始对自己的工作性质产生一些怀疑。1955年时,他的言行引起了他的上级对他的怀疑,而压死骆驼的最后一根稻草是他们发现了Eddie写的一部小说,内容关于一个中国士兵在1950-53年抗美援朝期间娶了一名韩国妻子。Eddie在1962年大迁移前从广东突破重险,泅水逃港。

尽管Eddie从未接受过大学教育,但我非常喜欢和他交谈。他很聪明、客观,能够全面地阐述自己对问题的看法,而且能说一口流利的普通话。他还有着非常好的幽默感,带一点讽刺。他帮助我更好地理解了早期的中国公安体系以及那些身处体制之中的人的想法。我非常欣赏Eddie,还跟Ezra Vogel谈起他,并且把他介绍给了Ezra,结果Ezra发现Eddie对他更有帮助,因为他恰好在进行一项针对广州市的广泛研究,最终出版了一本名为《共产主义统治下的广东》的书。在Ezra的帮助下,Eddie最终获得了哈佛大学的硕士学位,并在美国当老师,走上长长的教职生涯,直至2014年11月逝世。多么神奇的故事!

我采访Eddie时碰到的唯一的问题是,当时访谈必须在我的住处进行。那是1963年9月初,由于卡耐基基金会的办公室还未落成,没有其他的地方可以为我所用。在家作访谈并不方便,尤其是下午,因为孩子们放学后回家后,有时会干扰到访谈。而且,那时香港正流行肺结核病,每次我的访谈对象一咳嗽,我就很担心孩子们的健康!

Eddie不是我采访过的唯一一个公安警官。后来,一名英国官员给我介绍了一个来自福建省省会福州的警官。我叫他Zhou。尽管我认识他的时候他才30出头,比Eddie还要年轻几岁,但是比起Eddie,他在处理刑事案件方面具有更新近的经验,为我研究刑事司法过程给予了极其重要的帮助。他能够告诉我最近的一些新发展,近到1962年为止,当时他决定离开公安岗位赴港。我每天从早上9点到下午1点与他交谈,每周5天,共计120个小时,是我进行过的时间最长的访谈。

Zhou很有耐心,不厌其烦地解释中国刑事程序中常见的每种类型案件的每一阶段的细节问题。他不像Eddie那么聪明有趣,富有洞察力,我也花了很多时间去努力适应他口音很重的普通话。他把每一个“fu”发成“hu”,而每一个“hu”发成“wu”。但Zhou很冷静、专业,相当能干。他不会主动给出很长的回答或者主动讲故事, 但是他的回答总是干脆利落,而且有问必答,偶尔也会流露出一些令我印象深刻的见解。

1963年的时候,因为中国还没有颁布正式的刑法典,我一直很感兴趣的一个问题就是,到底如何认定哪些行为构成犯罪行为,应予以起诉,而不是通过行政手段或者非正式的手段处理。显然,像谋杀、强奸、纵火这类行为,像在其它社会一样,都会被认定为犯罪行为,同时犯罪行为还包括最严重的政治罪,这些罪名通常被模糊而笼统称为“反革命罪”。但是,在缺乏立法指引的情况下,很多社会对于罪与非罪,在法律上和在实务操作中其实有所不同,那么在中国,刑事犯罪行为和非刑事犯罪行为之间的界限又是如何划分的?

比如,我很想知道,通奸是否在中国构成犯罪,如果是的话,起诉指控的比率有多大?在什么情况下会起诉指控?在很多国家,包括很多美国的州,通奸虽然被认定为犯罪行为,但却很少会被起诉。Zhou在第一次被问起这个问题的时候,回答有些模糊,但是在考虑之后,他说,至少在那时的福州,通奸在原则上被视为犯罪行为。然后我又问起警察和检察官对这种案件会追究到什么程度。这下他非常清楚地回答道,“这么说吧,如果我们追究每一个通奸案,那我们就没有时间去对付反革命分子了。”

透过他的回答,我观察到他的幽默和对于社会现象的洞察力,而且我也完全理解这是个很现实的问题。每个司法辖区的司法部门都面临着资源有限的难题,作为一名前任检察官,我对这个问题太熟悉了。

Zhou令我印象深刻也有其他一些原因,尤其是因为,他是唯一让我意识到我对线人负有义务的访谈对象。他们对我的研究工作必不可少,帮助我了解中国刑事司法制度是如何运作的。事实上,为期一年的香港之行结束之后,我发表了一篇名为《中国难民访谈录——中国法律研究不可或缺的工具》的文章。但是,我对我的访谈对象又负有什么样的责任呢?这对我和Zhou来说,都不仅仅是道德或是学术上的问题。

在我们的合作结束后,我的线人们都需要找一份工作,而我感到自己有一定的义务来帮助那些和我合作时间最长的人。他们逐渐成为了我的朋友,我不能一达到自己的目的就抛弃他们。我不用担心Eddie,他在Ezra Vogel那边找到了很好的机会,但是Zhou不一样,要帮他也有些困难,因为他既不会说粤语也不会说英语,而我是他在香港唯一有点分量的关系。

幸好他的愿望也很实际。他想找一份在工厂的工作。我在商界的资源有限,但是我确实尽了全力帮助他,给他介绍了一些潜在的雇主。当然,一开始出师不利,而Zhou会以他的大陆经验来解读。比如有一次,我跟他解释,雇主聘用了其他人是因为那个人比Zhou更胜任这份工作,他明显对此表示十分怀疑。之后一次,我仍未成功,跟他解释说,被录用的那个人的推荐人和雇主的关系比我和雇主的关系更好,他就甘心接受了,没有提出任何疑问。在他的世界观里,“关系”永远大于真正的能力。我在商界的朋友为数不多,当其中一人同意给他一份工作的时候,我真是松了一口气。

Peter Wang (Wang Youjin)——从法官到律师

我对自己有机会和足够的时间采访到两位来自中国的前公安干警感到十分满意。但是,即使中国的法院不像公安局那么重要,我也需要至少找到一名有价值的前法官和一名能干的律师,填补法律专业人士这个稀缺的访谈对象类别。我从未想过我可能找到一个同时符合这两个条件的访谈对象,而且前几个月的徒劳搜索令人沮丧。

我遇到过几个难民,当他们听说,我向能够跟我讨论司法问题的人提供一些“茶钱”后,都试图说服我相信他们来香港之前,在中国法院里工作过。但他们的故事很快就被我识破了。有一个人仅仅是在当地政府工作过而已,他试图给我描述当地法院的组织结构和编制,以及法院是如何运作的,可是演技拙劣。另一个人则试图说服我他曾在法学院学习,但我问起他曾上过什么法学课程时,他的谎言就立刻露馅了。但Peter Wang可不是这类人!

我因机缘巧合偶然发现了Peter(中文名字Wang Youjin, 广东话读作Ong Yew-kim)。到1963年11月的时候,我基本放弃了在香港找到一个有经验的大陆法官或律师的希望。有几个朋友出于同情,建议我去葡属殖民地澳门试试。当时从香港去澳门需要乘坐4小时渡轮。当时的中国难民觉得逃往澳门比香港容易得多,因为距离更近,泅水危险更小。

1963年11月的澳门迷人、静谧,是欧洲大陆在亚洲的前哨小镇。当地的建筑同时体现了中国和葡萄牙的传统风味。我和Joan都没有去过葡萄牙,但在我们搭渡轮前往澳门的时候,我们在轮船上的酒吧找到了Ferreinha Lacrima Cristy(一种葡萄牙酒),比起我们之前喝过的其他波多葡萄酒,都更顺滑好喝。它很快就治愈了Joan的喉炎,并且让我们在到达之前就已经喜欢上了这个特别的新环境。

我的朋友建议我通过跟接收新难民的知名的天主教会合作,来开始我在澳门的研究。当地的牧师很友好,善解人意,但是他们最近接收的这一批难民中,并无明显的理想人选。难民中有一个男人,极力试图说服我他很了解中国法院的运作情况。见我面露疑色,他倒也大胆直率,说,如果我怀疑他,我可以在回到香港之后,向殖民地当时众多中文报社中的一家叫《天天日报》的主编求证。他给了我这位主编的名字和电话,并向我保证那个主编一定愿意做他的证明人。

我并没有抱太大希望,但也没有其他选择,回去后便给那位主编打了电话。令我惊喜的是,虽然主编说他从来没有听说过那个澳门的男人,但如果我想认识一位真正来自中国的法律专业人士的话,他愿意介绍我认识他手下一个名叫Wang的员工。这是我研究工作过程中的黄金一刻!

Peter Wang立刻让我感到十分可信。他很安静,周到缜密,对他的判断和表述很谨慎,而且他也很乐意帮忙。他告诉我,和很多东南亚的中国人一样,1950年,年方18岁的他离开老家新加坡,只是为了去成立仅一年的新中国获得免费大学教育。到达北京的时候,他被分配到新成立的北京政法学院学习法律,后来这所大学成为了今天著名的中国政法大学,不管是在当时还是在现在,法大堪称是无数政府法律干部的培训基地。当我问到他在大学的时候上了什么课程,他想都没想,就滔滔不绝地讲出了所有的课程。那一瞬间,我知道我找到了不可多得的访谈对象。

借助苏联法律资料,在中苏两国教授的帮助下,Peter接受了在那个时代相对良好的法律教育。他在1954年中期从法学院毕业,那时中国正在推出第一部宪法。这部宪法受到了1936年斯大林宪法的极大影响。毕业后,他被分配到中国北方的工业重镇黑龙江省会城市哈尔滨的特别法院——铁路法院工作。他是当时法院里唯一一个受过良好正规法律教育的工作人员,所以法院的其他工作人员遇到具体法律问题都会寻求他的帮助,因为他们大多是退伍军人和公安干警。

当时的法院正在尽力向群众解释新的司法制度,以赢得他们的支持,Peter在这个过程中发挥了尤其宝贵的作用。当时的中国,不论是城市还是农村,都刚刚经历了5年漫无法治的革命动乱和暴力群众政治运动。新的共产党政策日益强调稳定和依法办事,而不再是依靠残酷的阶级斗争,虽然这种阶级斗争仍然存在,但是相对而言声势有所减弱。

Peter通过很多有意思的故事,描述了很多在给群众普法过程中遇到的问题。比如说,有一次,法院在一个工厂的礼堂里,在数百位工人面前,演示了一场精心策划和彩排的刑事审判。一切都按照计划进行得很顺利,直到法庭公布预定的定罪判决和量刑结果。当主审法官告知被告人他有上诉的权利时,疑惑不解的观众们顿时哄堂大笑,因为法官的口音,“上诉”听起来好像“上树”!

不久之后,尽管中国还在紧密地追随苏联的法律模式,但是中国的领导层同时决定引入律师这个角色。很多1949年前蒋介石统治时期的律师要么逃离了中国,要么留在国内转行从事更为安全的工作。无论如何,共产党都不希望依靠任何资本主义遗留分子,于是决定模仿苏联的“律师顾问处”(“colleges of advocates”),新组建属于政府部门的“法律顾问处”,把得到良好培训的年轻人才分配到那里去工作。1956年,苏联法律制度对中国的影响达到顶峰,Peter被分配到北京新成立的一家社会主义律师事务所工作。

那个时期对于法律改革者来说是激动人心的。在苏联的帮助下,中国开始起草很多法典,包括中国第一部刑法和刑事诉讼法。法律顾问处的职责就是协助试点并且实施这些苏联模式的草案。可悲的是,这些草案从未被正式颁布,因为1957年6月,苏联影响戛然而止,而“百花齐放”的方针所引发的舆论批评喷如泉涌,令共产党领导人震惊,也随即导致毛泽东发动了“反右”运动,终止了中国对苏联法律模式的依赖,直至1976年毛主席去世。

由于政策突变,Peter所在的官办律所很快被关闭,而且与其他法律专业人士一样,他很快被戴上“右派”的帽子。因为他来自新加坡,他得以逃过一劫,未被残酷虐待。1960年,他获准离开大陆去香港。他本希望能够回到新加坡,但由于新加坡好不容易摆脱共产党势力,脱离英国统治赢得独立,为了防止共产主义复苏,新加坡总理李光耀禁止任何45岁以下在中国生活过的新加坡公民回国。所以Peter为了在香港维持生计,找到了这份报社员工的工作,就中国大陆发生的事件撰写评论。

我对Peter进行了访谈,共计85个小时,他帮助我了解了中国深受苏联影响的时期以及之后一段时期的情况。我依依不舍地结束了我们的合作,但他在随后的日子里一直继续辅助我进行关于中国刑事司法制度的研究。这些研究成果使得我得以在1968年出版了我的第一本书——《中华人民共和国犯罪司法程序 1949-1963年:导论》。 (Joan说,如果我把书名定为《性、中国法律和你》的话,哈佛大学出版社本来可以卖出更多册!)

成立中国研究服务中心

在我创立中国研究服务中心的过程中,Peter也提供了帮助。其实成立这样一个中心并不在我最初的香港计划之内。我已经提到过,60年代初,中国对外封闭,那些选择将香港作为基地来从事中国研究的外国学者并无办公设施,香港大学和其他学术机构的办公空间很少,而它们的图书馆里也几乎没有具有时效性的中文研究资料。纽约卡耐基基金会为了改善这一情况,决定成立一个研究中心来接待和协助前来香港从事中国研究的学者。卡耐基本打算跟一个当地的中国组织Union Research Institute(联合研究所)合作,该机构已经收集了许多内地中文报纸,这是能让我们一窥中国人日常生活的宝贵资源。

在当时还被称为“红色中国”或“共产主义中国”的边境上成立一个研究中心,是一项微妙的工作,因为英国殖民当局总是担心触怒内地政府,所以对USC的准备工作审查得非常仔细。他们一直告诫为人不错的纽约基金会主任Bob Gray要慢慢来。Gray对中国和香港都不太熟悉,但是被派到香港设立和主持这个中心。实际上,英国人似乎怀疑中心会是美国中央情报局(CIA)为观察中国所设立的前哨,或者说,至少里面的几位美国学者可能跟CIA有关联。卡耐基基金会显然心领神会英国人的担忧,以至于给新组织起了一个听起来无可非议的名字,叫“大学服务中心”,并没有点明该组织的工作重心。光看名字,一般人不知情,很可能会错把中心当成一个汽车维修店!一直到1993年,“中国研究”这几个字才被加了上去。

我们当中有些人认为Gray做事似乎过于被动,而且好像被我们起了疑心的东道主威慑住了。他给我们在九龙的半岛酒店短租了几个房间,聘请了个秘书,但却迟迟未将我们迁入位于机场附近的正式落脚点。此外,他在给中心设置必需的办公场地、图书馆、招聘研究助手、翻译人员和其他工作人员方面并无任何动作,也没有启动跟联合研究所的合作。

不知怎的,可能是通过已故麻省理工大学政治学教授Lucian Pye(白鲁恂),卡耐基基金会得知了我们的不满。当时暂居香港的西方学者有自己的小圈子,Lucian Pye教授是我们这个小圈子里的资深一员。他是一个老练的中国通,人际关系基础扎实,在美国政府内部也有一些关系。卡耐基基金会决定把Gray换掉,准备派一个更能适应香港政治环境的人来接任,但是暂无人选。问题是,这会导致中心的行政工作停顿至少6个月之久,在这期间需要有个已经身在当地的人暂任代理主任一职。虽然相对其他人我资历较浅,之前也没有跟卡耐基基金会打过交道,他们还是请我来担任主任的角色,我犹豫之后接受了这个工作。

在URI的帮助下,我们很快就离开半岛酒店,搬入了坐落在九龙亚皆老街的正式场地。很快,中心就有了生机。在搜集有关中国法律制度的材料时,我发觉URI的资料非常详细丰富,而且事实证明中心的办公室更加适合用来与难民作访谈,因为难民往往不太适应出入国际酒店或外国人的公寓。

由于从1963年冬到1964年春我一直是中心的主要负责人,香港政府对我的活动表示了特殊(暂且说是非正式的)关注。我现在还津津乐道的一件事是,在一次晚宴上,我的英国东道主把我的座位安排在了香港辅政司的对面,这位辅政司事实上相当于香港的外交总长,这个安排出乎我的意料也让我十分愉快。辅政司先生抓住这个明显是事先安排好的机会,很系统地向我询问中心的情况,问及中心的赞助者和我的角色。他的态度圆滑巧妙,但像是在问:既然你们这些家伙是教授,为什么不好好地做学问,而要花这么多时间研究中国呢?

所幸的是,凭借一点小运气和国际法律圈子这个“帮会”, 我已跟至少两名显赫的香港政府官员(分别是首席法官和律政司司长)结下了很深厚的交情,他们为我担保,证明我是一个品行端正的人。1963年春,就在我出发去香港的前几个月,我和其他几位伯克利大学的法学教授受邀参加一个晚宴,认识了一名当时在英国数一数二的法学专家。他刚在香港参加完一些讲座,返回英国的途中在湾区停留几天,对香港有着满腔热情。他一听说我准备搬到香港住,就主动介绍我认识香港首席法官Michael Hogan和当时在香港照顾他的年轻的律政司司长Denys Roberts。他们都成为了我的好朋友,也间接地成为中心的好朋友。

我和我的家人在1964年7月底恋恋不舍地离开了香港。那时,USC的正式主任已走马上任,叫Preston Schoyer,是一位富有魅力和精明的美国小说家,在香港有丰富的管理经验。我深信,他办事,我放心! 之后的故事,如俗话说的,人尽皆知,唯我不知。正因为如此,我十分期待通过Ezra Vogel和其他参会人的讲述,来了解这段非常重要但又鲜为人知的故事。

(作者Jerome A. Cohen 孔杰荣(柯恩),纽约大学法学院教授,纽约大学亚美法研究所共同主任,美国对外关系委员会亚洲研究兼任资深研究员。译者:荣译专业翻译服务合伙人、孔杰荣教授前任助理周易,亚美法研究所研究员刘超。


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 楼主| 发表于 2015-2-7 05:38:36 | 显示全部楼层
中国大门口的守望者(英文)
哈佛大学荣誉教授 傅高义


【编者的话】1963年成立于香港的“大学服务中心”,在冷战时期是西方中国研究者的大本营。1988年中心并入香港中文大学,更名为“中国研究服务中心”,拥有当代中国国情研究最齐全的图书馆,被称为“中国研究的麦加”。2015年1月,中心举办成立50周年研讨会,多位中国研究领域的世界级学术泰斗齐聚一堂,回忆他们与中心的交往故事。FT中文网获得授权,刊发一组来自研讨会的回忆文章。在60年代积极参与中心创建过程的哈佛大学荣誉教授、《邓小平时代》作者傅高义(Ezra F. Vogel)在发言中回忆了中心的创建和发展历程,以及它对几代中国研究者的影响,本文为他发言的英文实录,原题为“Milestones in the History of the Universities Service Centre”。

It was my privilege to take part in the founding of the Universities Service Centre and its activities over half a century. It is my good fortune to live long enough to join you in celebrating this anniversary. Today it is my responsibility to pass on to you revolutionary successors my recollections of some the major changes during this half century and to endeavor to explain the origins of these changes.

The founding of the Universities Service Centre


We are all beneficiaries of the far-sighted academic statesmen and foundation executives who launched this center. During the Cold War, when China and the West had almost no contact with each other, they realized that someday the West and China would come into contact and that the world would be served by a better understanding of China. As early as 1949, some academics began proposing more study of Communist China. But Senator Joseph McCarthy’s ranting about communist spies and sympathizers infiltrating our government and our universities gave rise to fear that paralyzed anyone who wanted to study “Red China.”

After McCarthy died in 1957, some academic statesmen began to move. In 1959, John Fairbank, who was then President of the American Association for Asian Studies, with the cooperation of the Ford Foundation invited 22 participants to a meeting in Gould House in Dobbs Ferry, New York to consider how to expand studies of contemporary China. After the end of the meeting Fairbank yielded to those who believed that the future of Chinese studies belonged to the disciplines and that the Social Sciences Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies which were organized by disciplines were in a better position than the Association of Asian Studies. So under the Joint Committee on Contemporary China set up by the SSRC and the ACLS, the various disciplines began organizing to promote China studies.

These Western academic statesmen and their foundation supporters realized that for better understanding of contemporary China, they not only needed to build libraries and train university faculty around the world, but they needed to build a facility in Hong Kong to service scholars who could there gain access to materials and to people who had lived in or at least visited China. The academic statesmen trying to build contemporary China studies were aware that in Hong Kong enemies who wanted to destroy each other lived side by side and that it was not even clear who was spying for whom. Representatives from China and Western countries that had fought each other in Korea only a few years earlier lived warily in the same community. Hong Kong was one of the great spy centers in the world, and we academics had difficulty convincing many people that there was a difference between scholarship and spying. Many refugees were reluctant to be seen talking with us for fear that they might be identified as with one side and become targets of retribution. We were walking on eggshells as we tried to expand our contacts while ensuring that people who talked with us did not themselves get into trouble for talking with us.

Yet despite these problems, there was no place in the world where so much information and so many people flowed in and out of China. It was important for scholars to be there. Creating a center was also important for the British government in Hong Kong that wanted to keep track of scholars and was cautious about granting visas for people whose activities they could not follow. For the British government, worried about possible trouble makers and struggling to avoid outbreaks of violence, the center could register foreign scholars and monitor their activities.

Representatives of major media outlets had already gone to Hong Kong in the 1950s which became their base for reporting on China. Governments of the major countries of the world were already using their Consulates in Hong Kong not only to collect materials but to analyze and report on developments in China. The academic world was a step behind the media and the governments.

Many foundations, especially the Carnegie Foundation, supported the effort to develop an academic service center in Hong Kong, an effort coordinated by an organization, Education and World Affairs, led by its president, William Marvel. Although the foundations were all American, Marvel, with the advice and help of academics, decided that the University Services Centre in Hong Kong would serve scholars not only from the United States but from around the world. It would provide books, journals, and newspapers for scholars and offer a select group of them office space. The initial head of the advisory committee was Sir William Haytor who had been responsible for the report that led to designating certain British universities to focus research on certain regions of the world.

In the fall of 1963, Marvel dispatched a staff member, Robert Gray, to go to Hong Kong to find quarters and a staff to serve as a center. After some months in which no progress was made, Gray was recalled to New York. Marvel then contacted Jerry Cohen who was then a legal scholar spending the year in Kowloon. Within weeks Cohen, then 33 years old, had rented some rooms in the office building attached to the Peninsula Hotel, hired a small administrative staff and began interviewing a series of refugees from mainland China who had been officials in local governments and had experience in dealing with legal cases.

The move to 155 Argyle Street

Within months, Cohen had arranged that the University Services Centre rent a large independent residence at 155 Argyle St. It proved to be a wonderful location, in the heart of Kowloon, with a small yard, a large kitchen, and some dining and living space that was transformed into our meeting rooms. Former bedrooms were converted to offices and facilities were available to 20 young scholars. It was recognized that the scholars, mostly graduate students, did not have their own funds to pay for rent and the foundations therefore provided the rooms for select young scholars.

Arrangements were made with the Union Research Institute, under the leadership of Anderson Shih, to use its materials. The Union Research Institute had originally been established by the “third force” seeking an alternative to the Communists and the Kuomintang. The Union Research Institute had acquired a fairly complete collection of what was then a small number of English and Chinese language books on contemporary China. It also had a clipping service from major mainland Chinese language newspapers that were sorted into files so that scholars working on a particular topic could go to those files. The available files were modest in number and primitive compared to the electronic files that became available several decades later, but they served as a basis for initial studies for graduate students getting started in their careers getting an understanding of various topics. The Centre worked out an arrangement whereby the materials from the Union Research Institute could be borrowed by scholars at our Centre who used them to develop their understanding of different topics and different localities.

What was then unique to Hong Kong compared to China centers around the world was the availability of refugees for interviewing. There were tens of thousands of refugees. For research purposes, it was fortuitous that in 1962, just before the Centre opened, many refugees had been allowed to cross over the border unrestrained. The vast majority of the refugees had a very narrow range of experience, mostly in their own village. Very few had experience in administrative positions that gave them knowledge beyond their immediate contacts, and it was always difficult to find enough refugees who were informed on any particular topic. Some of the refugees who were especially knowledgeable, like “Lao” Yang and “Xiao” Yang, were hired as full-time researchers. One of the first former cadres whom Jerry Cohen was introduced to was Eddie Chan, who had been a “patriotic youth” from Hong Kong who went to Guangzhou after takeover where he worked in United Front activities until he was criticized for his views. Jerry introduced me to Eddie Chan who was from Guangzhou and served as my research assistant. Later I was able to arrange for Eddie to come to Cambridge, MA where he continued on as my research assistant.

Newspaper runs for several regional newspapers were already available in Hong Kong in the 1960s. As one of the first scholars interviewing in Hong Kong during the first year of our Centre, I found quite a few refugees from Guangdong and decided to do a study of post-1949 Guangdong. In the years after 1964 I kept coming back to Hong Kong during my summer vacation. I completed my first book in 1969, Canton Under Communism: Programs and Politics in a Provincial Capital, 1949-1969. After I returned to Harvard, I was able to arrange for Harvard to get a run of the Guangdong provincial newspapers, especially Nanfang Ribao. Eddie Chan and I would sit together reading the newspaper as he helped me read not only the lines but between the lines. This was an enormous help in understanding the significance the articles. The attention to politics in a particular locality proved to be one of the promising ways of studying developments in China. Lynn White studied Shanghai, Vic Falkenheim studied Fujian, and Ken Lieberthal studied Tianjin.

Some like Dick Solomon, Mike Oksenberg, and Mike Lampton were interested in foreign policy as well as domestic policy. Some scholars like Bill Parish, Martin Whyte, Deborah Davis, and Charlotte Ikels examined family and local community organization. Stanley Rosen and Suzanne Pepper worked on education, and Susan Shirk worked on school classmates, Andrew Walder on factories, Jean Oi, Jonathan Unger and Anita Chan and Dick Madsen on rural organization. Some local scholars in Hong Kong like Ambrose King, F.C. Chan, Byron Weng, and K.C. Kuan, joined in our deliberations. Together we gradually built up a more rounded understanding of Communist organizational structure and life in China after 1949. Today we have far more materials available on China and we can visit directly places in China that were closed to us in the 1960s. But we have reason to be proud of our achievements. I made my first visit to Guangdong in 1973 and spent much time there in the 1980s, but as I look over what I wrote in 1969 in Canton Under Communism, before I had a chance to visit Guangdong, I feel even now that thanks to the materials and the refugees I met at the Centre and the discussions with fellow scholars, I got the basic story right. I know many of you have had similar experiences. The interaction between all of us at the Universities Service Centre, pursuing so many different topics from so many different disciplinary perspectives, not only raised the level for all of us, but forced us to see our individual topics in relation to broader developments in China, without regard to disciplinary boundaries.

Since we could not then observe developments in China, from the outside we honed our skills in textual analysis, paying attention to changes of wording that signified changes in policies. We learned how to follow the political campaigns through various stages and to see the annual and five year rhythm of planning cycles. We expanded on Franz Schurmann’s insights about the importance of propaganda and organization at the center of Communist Party activities.

The availability of facilities at the University Services Centre, combined with the written materials and borrowing privileges from the Union Research Institute, along with office space at the Centre and access to refugees who came to be interviewed, paved the way for a rapid growth in the number of scholars who studied contemporary China. In 1958-59, Franz Schurmann was a lonely scholar trying to study contemporary China in Hong Kong, with the help of the Union Research Institute. After he returned he urged the establishment of a center that would allow more people to come. The opening of the Centre paved the way for a rapid growth in the number of scholars who came to Hong Kong to study contemporary China. Within six years, by March 1970, some 250 scholars had used the Centre. Among those, 109 were American graduate students and 17 were non-American graduate students. Of the 250 scholars who came to the Centre in these early years, roughly one-third came from some fifteen countries other than the United States.*

The Centre became a favorite meeting place for others in Hong Kong, --Consulate officials, representatives from the media, and even some business people in Hong Kong --whose job it was to follow the developments in mainland China. The Centre became the gathering place in Hong Kong for serious discussion of developments in China. The scholars at the Centre in turn benefitted from the close interaction with government and business officials who were following developments in China.

A small number of senior scholars, including Lucian Pye and Doak Barnett spent time at the Centre in the 1960s. But overwhelmingly, we young scholars, graduate students or junior faculty, were the core of the Centre. We became a scholarly community as we talked China over the lunch table, brought in visitors to speak, presented our topics for criticism and suggestions from each other, and passed on bits of the latest information. There was no hierarchical structure among us. We were all learning together and none of us had authority over anyone else. When we opened in 1964, we knew precious little about the fundamentals of Communist rule. We were excited as we learned new pieces of information, put together our basic understanding of the structure of Communist rule, and followed the tumultuous changes taking place in China.

When the Centre opened in 1964 it was clear the Great Leap Forward had led to disasters, and in our early years we were striving to comprehend the depth and scope of the disaster. We lived amidst the stories of heroic escapes of refugees and learned from them of the starvation that had cost the lives of others around them.

Within two years after we moved to Argyle St., the Cultural Revolution broke out. Initially we could scarcely believe that leaders like Peng Zhen, Yang Shangkun, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping who played such a prominent part in Communist history were under attack. Initially a few scholars found the rallying cry of “to rebel is justified” attractive, just as they believed that rebelling against those who waged war against Vietnam was justified. Before long, however, it was difficult to admire the chaos that Mao had brought as Red Guards split into factions struggling against each other. Nearly all of us scholars at the Centre opposed the American pursuit of the Vietnam War, especially the bombing of Cambodia and the use of napalm, but we differed, sometimes passionately, in how vehemently to express our opposition. The drama that was going on in mainland China was echoed in our excitement as we tried to discern the patterns, the scope, and the impact of the Cultural Revolution.

And while the chaos was enveloping China, many of us continued our efforts to understand the basic structure of Chinese life, the nature of Party life and organization, the structure of the government, the relation between the center and the localities, the nature of local organization in communes, state factories, urban neighborhoods, families and friendship groups.

Despite what differences we had among ourselves in our evaluation of what was going on, what united us was our effort to gain a better understanding of China and the excitement of probing the mysteries. While we were learning, many of us were also thinking about what our countries could do and should do to develop better relations with China.

Travel to China, 1969 on

Those of us studying China in the 1960s thirsted for contact with Chinese communist representatives in Hong Kong and an opportunity to visit China. We invited Chinese communist representatives in Hong Kong to visit the Centre and give talks but in the 1960s none of them accepted our invitations. As China began opening up. British, French, Canadian, and then selected American groups had opportunities to visit China. Once the first delegation of the Committee for Concerned Asian Scholars, which included many of our Centre scholars, had an opportunity to visit China at the time of Kissinger’s first visit to China, we Centre scholars became an audience to listen to those who traveled to China and then stopped in Hong Kong to report on their trip. Our Centre became a stop for delegations going to China who stopped on the way in to get from us a briefing on what they might look out for during their travel in China. Throughout the 1970s China gave out very few visas and all of us eagerly sought an opportunity to get on some delegation that was allowed to visit.

By the 1980s some of us had opportunities to stay in China for months or even longer, but most archives in the mainland remained closed and even libraries that began to open in China, were not as well organized as our USC library. Before the end of the 1980s, many of us in universities in the West took advantage of summer vacations and sabbaticals to go to China. Given the little time we could take off from our universities, we often spent more time in China than at the Universities Service Centre.

And once China began opening up, the significance of refugee interviewing began to dry up.

As China began opening in the 1970s, scholars who profited from the Centre, played an important role as our countries began to expand their relations with each other. Richard Solomon was able to use his insights about Mao and other Chinese leaders and about Chinese patterns of negotiation as a staff member advising Henry Kissinger. Mike Oksenberg became the strategist at the White House under President Jimmy Carter for normalizing relations between the United States and China. Mike Lampton, as president of the US-China Friendship Association for a decade, played a critical role in linking Chinese and American political, business, and academic leaders. Jerry Cohen, Stanley Lubman, and others advised foreign firms about the legal issues they would face as they entered China. Bernie Frolic, who had served as head of the Centre for a year, was later assigned to the Canadian Embassy in Beijing, linking scholars from China and the West. David Wilson who frequently visited the Centre played a key role in negotiating the Joint Declaration between Britain and China over the future of Hong Kong and later served as governor.

But the indirect results of our work at the USC had an even broader impact. We who took part in the Centre in the 1960s and 1970s built the courses we taught on China around what we had learned from the Centre. In the summer of 1964, I left Hong Kong after my first year of research by boat, and on the boat I spent a few hours each day writing the first draft of the first course I taught on Chinese communist society. And we wrote books that became core volumes for those studying China. And even if the heads of foreign governments and congressmen and business leaders who visited China and dealt with Chinese representatives did not read our books, they benefitted from staff members who had read our books and from briefings by those who drew on what we learned at the Centre.

The growth of our library collection

By the 1960s as the hope for a third force in China disappeared, the Union Research Institute began to decline and could not keep up with the purchase of new materials being published on China. Our Universities Service Centre therefore began to develop a small library of reference materials for use by scholars at the Centre. In the first decade of our Centre, the Centre directorship changed often, but from 1974-1988, John Dolfin, who had been a graduate student at Columbia University in Tibetan studies, was director. He provided stability and direction for the Centre. He became a storehouse of information for scholars coming to the Centre. He advised the new arrivals how to go about research, how to make contacts, and how to find people to interview. He was always on the lookout of opportunities to purchase written materials for the Centre. He found an opportunity to acquire a huge collection of Chinese regional newspapers, unrivaled in any scholarly center anywhere. By the late 1980s the Centre had a huge and excellent library collection, with a local newspaper collection unrivaled in any library anywhere.

The move to the Chinese University

For many years in the late 1970s and early 1980s, our Centre was under great financial pressure. Many foundations, including the Ford Foundation which was then our main supporter, believed that their mission was to start new projects. For a few years, as they put it, they would water the tree but if the tree was to survive beyond the first few years, it should generate its own financial support. In the 1970s as people could begin going in to China, the Ford Foundation wanted to help scholars who were beginning to travel into China, and in the 1980s it played a key role in training Chinese in fields like economics and law that would assist China in its transition to taking broader part in world activities. All this was good for the field of Chinese studies, but it created problems for our Centre for Ford wanted to end its support for our Centre. In the 1980s our director John Dolfin had to scrounge for funds to keep the Centre going. Our budget was pared to a bare minimum. Year after year we had to consider the possibility the Centre might close down and we had to appeal to the Ford Foundation and various other foundations to rescue us.

In the late 1980s, the Hong Kong government and the Chinese University of Hong Kong began to consider the possibility that the Centre be moved to the Chinese University and that the collection become part of Chinese University of Hong Kong. David Wilson, then a key political official in the Hong Kong government, not yet governor, played a key role in getting the government to commit funds necessary to supporting the Centre to be moved to the Chinese University. At Chinese University, FC Chan, a physicist who gradually transformed himself into a leading specialist on Chinese culture and contemporary China, who was registrar at CUHK, played a key role in gaining support within the university to support the Centre.

Many of the materials from China were not available from regular book stores and collecting materials became an art. Jean Hong who worked as a research assistant at the Centre from 1979-1983 became a treasure in collecting materials, and in 1988 came back to the Centre where she presided over the growth of the Centre library as a major resource for scholars working on contemporary China.

In 1988 the Centre moved its library collection to CUHK where it became part of the CHUK Library. This facilitated the expansion of the collection of materials for the use of scholars studying contemporary China. Jean Hong who worked as a research assistant at the Centre from 1979-1983 became a treasure in collecting materials, and in 1988 came back to the Centre where she presided over the growth of the Centre library as a major resource for scholars working on contemporary China. She realized that developing the collection required not only buying books through ordinarily book-buying channels but keeping the lookout for other materials that could be useful for scholars. She realized that the collection of these materials relied on the cooperation of scholars, and she took initiatives to strengthen the sense of community among scholars using the materials. She began to use the internet to control of information that made the material accessible to scholars. Scholars from mainland China began coming to the Centre for they found that the collection was more comprehensive than collections on the mainland, better organized, and easier to use. H. C. Kuan and his successors played a role in building programs around the Centre that maintained it as an international center.

The next half century

We who are assembled here to celebrate the first half century of the University Service Centre can take pride in our achievements in promoting better understanding of China in a very critical period of the transition of a unified China into an active participant in world affairs. We are dedicated to achieving a deeper understanding of China with the belief that objective understanding can lead to wiser decisions of benefit to all countries. We who have used the Centre in its first half century have benefitted enormously from the wise academic statesmen and foundation and government executives. We who benefitted from what an earlier generation created have a responsibility to do what we can to see that the Centre continues to play an important role in the future.

Now that the field of Chinese studies has blossomed around the world, the Centre is no longer the only important gathering place for those doing advanced research on contemporary China. But China is so important to the world, that we need multiple centers that can help advance the understanding of China. Our responsibility is to help the Centre realize its greatest potential to continue enhancing our understanding of China. Hong Kong is no longer a place for interviewing refuges, but it still occupies a unique location in a city that remains a gateway to the mainland and, a city based on the rule of law where there are is a free press. Our Center faces difficult decisions: we must decide how much of the collection can be made available to scholars around the world electronically. We must decide how to select and purchase new materials from the vast sea of information and writing about China. We must consider how to use the leverage from the location of these materials here in our Library to bring together for study groups and conferences for scholars of contemporary China. I believe that if we succeed in our efforts to solve these problems that it will not only benefit foreign countries but will benefit China as well. I hope that all of you who are here today will join us in doing what we can to assure the vitality of our Center in its next fifty years. Wansui.


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