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潘鸣啸:今天的美国人还能从中国的文化大革命中汲取教训吗?

发布者: Gowest | 发布时间: 2025-3-14 17:31| 查看数: 140| 评论数: 1|帖子模式

Can Today’s American people learn something from the Chinese Cultural Revolution?



By Michel Bonnin | 11 March 2025

Just a few days after Trump reentered the Oval Office, analysts of American politics were already feeling that what was brutally happening under the world’s eyes was a “regime change” and more precisely an autogolpe: a coup attempted by an already installed leader, intent on changing the system in order to get total control of the country, possibly for life.



But, for people knowledgeable about Chinese contemporary history, Trump’s coup against the American institutions was more like Mao’s Cultural Revolution (CR) than any other historical episode. After the creation of The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), an agency led by Elon Musk to cut federal spending and purge the administration on a large scale, political scientist Minxin Pei published an article entitled “Hey, Elon. You Know Who Else Was a Disruptor? Mao”.



It might seem surprising to make a parallel between two historical events happening in so different times and settings. Historian Quinn Slobodian has convincingly presented the ideological sources of the present American far-right revolution. He invokes Grand Guignol and cosplay, when describing what happened at the Capitol in January 2021 and what happens now. The Cultural Revolution was indeed a form of Grand Guignol, at the same time “serious and ridiculous,” although the scales cannot be compared.



The similarities are partly the result of a basic proximity in Mao’s and Trump’s personalities, already described by China scholar Geremie Barmé at the beginning of Trump’s first presidency. But things are now more interesting, because at the beginning of the second presidency, we can observe a purer Trump exactly as the CR revealed a purer Mao, both having decided to get rid of the officials who used to restrain them. We have the charismatic personality in full bloom, revealing its many common features.



I shall try and make a list of the most obvious similarities:



– First, it is a revolution which mobilizes people about culture (For Mao, revisionist and capitalist, for Trump, woke and pro-LGBT+) but maybe more deeply an attempt at changing the political system and purging political enemies.



– This purging is the result of an irrepressible desire for revenge (For Trump, against the Democrats and those who questioned his attempted coup or his links with Russia. For Mao, against state president Liu Shaoqi and the bureaucracy who opposed the catastrophic Great Leap Forward policy).



– The victims are at the same time intellectuals and officials, although bureaucrats appear as the main target (“persons in charge following the capitalist line” in China, “members of the Deep State” in the US). The destruction of the administration is based on a lawless terror implemented by radicals protected at the highest level (Red Guards in China, members of DOGE in the US), putting into jeopardy entire branches of the administration.



– This “revolution” is quick and bewildering, leaving everyone overwhelmed.



– The great leader is trying to reform the ideology of the entire people by destroying nefarious ideas (“woke”, “LGBT+” in the US, “revisionist”, “counterrevolutionary” in Mao’s China).



– This ideological reform relies on the imposition of a “correct” vocabulary by coercive means (thus the renaming of the Gulf of Mexico as Gulf of America as decreed by Trump.) This is particularly reminiscent of the changing of street and personal names in the Cultural Revolution.



– Many highly educated people are suspected by Trump of being leftist and woke, as they were suspected by Mao of being rightist and counterrevolutionary. People with less education are appreciated because they “believe” more easily in the alternative reality promoted by the Great Helmsman.



– An essential method for controlling the minds of the people is the cult of personality of the great leader. Mao created his own cult and reached God-like status during the Cultural Revolution. Trump has still some way to go, but he also succeeded in presenting himself as an envoy from God to save America. When government meetings begin with a collective prayer thanking God for giving Trump to the Americans, one is reminded of meetings in the Cultural Revolution which began with the entire leadership standing up, reading from the Little Red Book and ending with shouts of “Long Live Chairman Mao!”



– Interestingly, both charismatic leaders relied on another personality to be the great priest of their religion. The “Number Twos” became as important as potential successors and also cultivated a personal cult of personality. Military leader Lin Biao received for some time a mention in the quasi-religious praise addressed to Mao that every Chinese had to utter in public, whereas Elon Musk’s cult is also advancing, as shown by the huge statue erected of his likeness near the Tesla factory in Texas.



– Finally, an important similarity is the ideal of a “purified” society that is free of dangerous outsiders. Trump is famous for his determination to expel millions of illegal immigrants (presented as bad people) and to block others from entering. During the Cultural Revolution, there was a similar expulsion of people of “bad origin” en masse to their home villages.



Given those similarities between the two revolutions, could today’s Americans draw lessons from the Chinese experience? I can think of three of them:



1) Mao, during the Cultural Revolution, was very successful at destroying the Chinese culture and ethics, as well as law and normal administration (although he was forced to restore bureaucracy after a few years.) The violence permanently scarred society and individuals and he was unable to create anything to replace what he had destroyed. Do not forget that it is easier to destroy than to rebuild.



2) How long will the Trump-Musk honeymoon last?  The relationship between Mao and Marshall Lin Biao, who was once “Chairman Mao’s closest comrade-in-arms,” became a paranoid one on both sides. Lin attempted to flee to the USSR in 1971, and his plane crashed in Mongolia in an accident still unexplained. Let’s see if our American comrades-in-arms succeed in escaping the curse. Older dictators do not like to cede power even to someone they have chosen.



3) At the end of the Cultural Revolution, which followed Mao’s death, the only political figure revered by the people was the state’s premier Zhou Enlai, who represented the bureaucracy. People had understood that, despite its faults and arrogance, a functioning State apparatus was a necessary protection for them. The new leaders (leaders who had survived the movement) were not only happy to restore the bureaucracy but they initiated reforms at odds with Mao’s ideas. And after too much violence and suffering, even the youth who had been at the vanguard of Mao’s autogolpe came to appreciate the values of democracy and the rule of law, and these became the mottos of the Democracy Wall Movement that they launched in 1978-79.



Thus, Mao ultimately lost everything superficially achieved during the Cultural Revolution. History will tell if, in the American case, a “counterrevolutionary” force will be able to take shape and to get the support of a disillusioned people, as happened in China at the end of the 1970s.




Michel Bonnin is Professor Emeritus at EHESS-Paris and Adjunct Professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, specialising in the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Former founding director of China Perspectives, author of The Lost Generation: The Rustication of China’s Educated Youth (1968-1980), CUHK Press, 2013.


https://blogs.soas.ac.uk/china-i ... ultural-revolution/

最新评论

Gowest 发表于 2025-3-17 19:26:51
当今美国人民能从中国文化大革命中学到什么?

作者:潘鸣啸2025年3月11日

特朗普重返白宫仅几天后,美国政治分析家们就已经感觉到,在全世界的眼皮底下残酷发生的是一场“政权更迭”,更确切地说是一场“自我政变”(autogolpe):一场由已经就位的领导人企图发动的政变,意图改变体制,从而完全控制国家,甚至可能是终身控制。
但对于熟悉中国当代史的人来说,特朗普对美国机构的政变更像是毛泽东的文化大革命,而不是任何其他历史事件。在埃隆•马斯克领导的政府效率部(DOGE)成立后,政治学家裴敏欣发表了一篇题为“嘿,埃隆。你知道还有谁是破坏者吗?毛泽东”。该机构旨在削减联邦开支并大规模清洗政府。

将发生在如此不同时代和背景下的两个历史事件进行比较似乎令人惊讶。历史学家奎因-斯洛博迪安(Quinn Slobodian)令人信服地介绍了当前美国极右派革命的意识形态根源。在描述2021年1月国会大厦发生的事情和现在发生的事情时,他援引了滥用残暴情节的“大木偶戏”和角色扮演。文化大革命确实是“大木偶戏”的一种形式,同时“严肃而荒谬”,尽管规模无法比较。
这些相似之处部分是由于毛泽东和特朗普的性格基本相似,中国问题学者白杰明(Geremie Barmé) 在特朗普第一任总统任期之初就对此进行了描述。但现在情况更明显了,因为在第二任总统任期之初,我们可以看到一个更纯粹的特朗普,就像文革时期看到的更纯粹的毛泽东一样,两人都决定摆脱那些曾经限制他们的官员。我们看到了魅力十足的个性,展现出了许多共同的特点。

我将尝试列出最明显的相似之处:

- 首先,这是一场动员人们进行文化运动的革命(对于毛泽东来说,它是修正主义者和资本主义者,对于特朗普来说,它是觉醒者和支持LGBT+者),但或许更深层次的是试图改变政治制度和清除政治敌人。

- 这次清洗是无法抑制的复仇欲望的结果(对于特朗普来说,是针对民主党和那些质疑他企图发动政变或与俄罗斯有特殊联系的人。对于毛泽东来说,是针对国家主席刘少奇和反对灾难性的大跃进政策的官僚机构)。

- 受害者既是知识分子,也是官员,尽管官僚似乎是主要目标(中国是“走资本主义道路的当权派”,美国是“深层政府成员”)。政府的摧毁是基于最高层保护下的激进分子(中国是红卫兵,美国是 DOGE 成员)实施的无法无天的恐怖活动,使一些政府部门陷入危机。

-        这场”革命”来得突然、让人眼花缭乱,让所有人都不知所措。

-        伟大领袖试图通过摧毁邪恶的思想(在美国是“觉醒”、"LGBT+",在毛泽东时代的中国是“修正主义者”、“反革命”)来改革全体人民的意识形态。

-        这种意识形态改革依赖于通过强制手段强加“正确”的词汇(因此,特朗普下令将墨西哥湾改名为美国湾)。这特别让人想起文化大革命期间街道和人名的更改。

-        特朗普怀疑许多受过高等教育的人是左派和觉醒分子,就像毛泽东怀疑他们是右派、反革命分子一样。教育程度较低的人受到赞赏,因为他们更容易“相信”伟大舵手所宣扬的另类现实。

-        控制人民思想的一个基本方法是对伟大领袖的个人崇拜。毛泽东在文革期间创造了自己的崇拜,并达到了神一般的地位。特朗普还有一段路要走,但他也成功地将自己塑造成了上帝派来拯救美国的使者。当政府会议以集体祈祷开始,感谢上帝把特朗普赐予美国人时,人们会想起文革期间的会议,当时全体领导人起立,朗读红宝书,最后高呼"毛主席万岁!”

-有趣的是,这两位魅力型领导人都依赖另一位人物作为他们宗教的伟大祭司。“二号人物“同时也扮演着潜在的继任人角色,并且还培养了自己的个人崇拜。军事领导人林彪曾一度在对毛泽东的近乎宗教般的赞美中被提及,这是每个中国人都必须在公开场合说的话,而对埃隆•马斯克的崇拜也在不断推进,正如在德克萨斯州特斯拉工厂附近竖立的他的巨大雕像所表明的那样。

鉴于两次革命的相似之处,今天的美国人能从中国的经验中吸取什么教训呢?我想到三点:

1)毛泽东在文化大革命期间非常成功地摧毁了中国文化和道德,以及法律和正常的行政管理(尽管几年后他被迫恢复了官僚制度)。暴力给社会和个人留下了永久的伤痕,他无法创造任何东西来取代他所摧毁的东西。别忘了,破坏比重建更容易。

2) 特朗普和马斯克的蜜月期能持续多久?毛泽东和曾经是“毛主席最亲密的战友”的林彪元帅之间的关系变得双方互相猜疑。林彪于1971年试图逃往苏联,他的飞机在蒙古坠毁,事故原因至今仍未查明。让我们看看这对美国最亲密战友能否成功摆脱魔咒。
老一辈的独裁者不愿意把权力移交给别人,哪怕是自己选择的人。

3)毛泽东逝世后,文化大革命结束,人民唯一崇敬的政治人物是代表官僚机构的国家总理周恩来。人民已经明白,尽管国家机器存在缺点和傲慢,但一个运转良好的国家机器对他们来说是一种必要的保护。新领导人(在运动中幸存下来的领导人)不仅乐于恢复官僚机构,而且还发起了与毛泽东思想相悖的改革。在经历了太多的暴力和痛苦之后,即使是曾经站在毛泽东“自我政变”先锋队中的年轻人也开始欣赏民主和法治的价值观,这些成为了他们在 1978-79年发起的民主墙运动的口号。

因此,毛泽东最终失去了在文化大革命期间取得的一切表面上的成就。历史将会告诉我们,在美国,一股“反革命”力量是否能够形成,并得到失望的人民的支持,就像 1970年代末在中国发生的那样。

潘鸣啸是法国巴黎高等社会科学学院名誉教授和香港中文大学客座教授,专门研究中国文化大革命。曾任China Perspectives杂志创刊主任,著有《失落的一代:中国的上山下乡运动(1968-1980)》(香港中文大学出版社,2009年)。

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